Media Framing Women’s Participation in Decision-Making in East Africa: A Case of South Sudan Women in Decision Making ()
1. Introduction
The research paper was to assess the Media Framing of Women’s Participation in Decision-Making in East Africa, and South Sudan as a case study. Media framing of women participating in decision-making on issues to do with social, economic, and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination is an important area that needs to be considered as well. Understanding the role of media in framing women’s participation in decision-making at the mass level seems imperative to understanding the media’s role at the elite level. Messages that citizens received concerning women holding signs on the street corner and the women holding meetings with constituents reinforce one another. Both messages create an impression of women’s role in the political world, and both are significant. When the relationship between women, politics, and media is explored, researchers typically concentrate on the political elite. This is because communication and political scientist has been interested in how a candidate’s gender affects media coverage both during a political campaign and once the candidate is elected to office (Courtney et al., 2020).
This study was carried out specifically to establish media framing of women’s participation in the decision-making sphere regardless of their education status.
Media framing Women’s Participation in Decision Making Related to Peacebuilding, good governance, and the constitutional debate (rule of Laws) is a pertinent theme in seeking to investigate issues related to the marginalization of women in socio-political and economic well-being. The research identified three key issues in the topic study: media framing, women’s participation, and decision-making trend. This requires insights into all-encompassing dimensions of media and gender-sensitive strategy.
2. Objectives of This Research
The study seeks to draw together narratives of Media framing women’s participation in decision-making in South Sudan from within formal and contemporarily approached to politics and traditional social-cultural approaches. In answering question three: Propose framing women on how women can play an equal and meaningful role in South Sudan’s decision-making. This study brought together the research findings and sought to offer meaningful and achievable proposals for enhancing and strengthening the role of women in formal and informal political efforts in the county.
Objectives
1) To establish Media women relationships regarding decision-making efforts with respect to rule of law, good governance, and human rights in South Sudan and Kenya.
2) To examine the media framing women in decision-making efforts concerning rule of law, good governance, and human rights in South Sudan and Kenya.
3) To establish how Media frames women engaging in decision-making discussion efforts with respect for rule of law, good governance, and human rights in South Sudan and Kenya.
3. Women in Politics in the International Sphere
According to Winfield (1997) contend that Hillary Clinton has been a difficult news topic for journalists who are used to traditional first lady stories. This surprise is seen as a contradiction between the expected female role and her policymaking and political power. Norris and Lovenduski (2003) argued that the rising tide of women in elected office has raised expectations about their role as political leaders. Some hope that this development could alter the predominant political culture, the policy agenda, and the representation of women’s interests in public life.
This growth has occurred in many democracies, and it is exemplified by dramatic developments at Westminster where the June 1997 election saw the entry of 120 women members into the UK House of Commons (18 percent), double the number elected in 1992. This trend forms part of a larger phenomenon evident in the United Kingdom during the late-1990s where growing numbers of women entered other legislative bodies, thereby becoming 37 percent of the Scottish Parliament and 40 percent of the Welsh Assembly, 24 percent of Member of the British European Parliaments (MEPs), 16 percent of the House of Lords, and 27 percent of local councilors.
The study indicated that there are no significant differences between women and men politicians across the value scales concerning the free market economy, Europe, and moral traditionalism. Yet on the values most directly related to women’s interests namely the affirmative action and the gender equality scale women and men politicians differ significantly within each party, even after controlling for other common social background variables that explain attitudes, such as their age, education, and income (Norris & Lovenduski, 2003).
The issue of women’s political representation has been of increasing importance in India. In September 1996, the Indian Government introduced a Bill in Parliament, proposing the reservation of one-third of the seats for women in the Lok Sabha (Central Government) and the State Assemblies (Clots-Figueras, 2011). Subsequently, this idea has been widely discussed in several parliamentary sessions, without an agreement being reached. Those who are in favor of this reservation argue that increasing women’s political representation will ensure a better representation of their needs. Even those who oppose the reservation acknowledge the fact that women politicians behave differently than men politicians.
South Sudan witnessed protracted civil wars during the struggle for freedom since the independence of Sudan. Despite the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, socio-political stability had been a rare commodity. The independence of the country did not take long before it descended into chaos to the extent that the opportunities for peace, reconciliation, and national healing were blocked by the violence of the current civil war.
Lawrence and Rose (2010) argued that the visibility of women in the media is an indispensable resource for politicians to survive in the current daymediatized political climate. In South Sudan, the transitional constitution of 2011 prescribes only 25% of the parliament and executive be reserved for women compared to 120 women UK House of Commons (18 percent), 37 percent of the Scottish Parliament, and 40 percent of the Welsh Assembly, 24 percent of British MEPs in the European parliament, 16 percent of the House of Lords, and 27 percent of local councilors participations. South Sudanese women’s role has been confined to organizations campaigning for peace and has engaged in dialogue on issues such as HIV/AIDS and girl child education.
The rise of factionalism within South Sudan’s ruling party and the army Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) is also of far-reaching consequence. It results from the very nature of a highly decentralized and tribal society, the prevalence of martial values, a culture of cattle raiding, the widespread illiteracy, and enduring conflict between pastoralists and peasants neglecting the politic of inclusivity where women can play a prominent role in the political spheres of the country.
All these moves from one transition to another transition because of the conflict have seen may be contributing to South Sudan’s lack of a constitution that can properly define the participation of anybody who wanted to vie for public office. Chandra-Mouli et al. (2019) also affirm that, although not all women are natural politicians, the social roles of women in nurturing interpersonal relationships often make them effective peace-builders, typically in informal rather than formal ways. This is particularly a case in countries like South Sudan where women traditionally have held central roles as farmers, traders, entrepreneurs, leaders in religious and civil organizations, and matriarchs in complex and large households.
Relationship roles, for example, allowed women to have contact with rebel leaders and combatants, and the ability to relatively influence compared men during the civil war (Van Der Pas & Aaldering, 2020). South Sudan women were able to build contacts with faction leaders and facilitated meetings between government and rebel leaders to bring solutions to the political problem as impartial mediators between the fighting factions if given chance (Wood & Allemang, 2022).
At the local levels, there continue to be high levels of inter-communal tension and revenge killings, and long-standing inter-and intra-ethnic conflicts at the community, county, and state levels. Persistent localized cattle raiding, ethnic polarization, and other challenges affecting the state security services, including prevalent violence against women, among others are also rampant. In all these events, women and children are at the frontline of victims but are isolated from contributing to the search for peace and related processes of decision-making.
This study’s entry of women into politics is a pertinent theme in seeking to investigate issues related to the marginalization of women in socio-political and economic well-being. The study identifies three key issues in the topic of participation, decision-making, and political trends. This requires insights into all-encompassing dimensions of conflict and gender-sensitive strategy.
A gender analysis of South Sudan peace agreements and frameworks underpins the study that the researcher will be undertaking. It is acknowledged that gendered roles in the conflicts of South Sudan make women a vulnerable sector of society. They are exposed to sexual violence and rape in all conflicts that have engulfed South Sudan. Women are not equal partners in political processes in the country. The study argues that in practice gender equality and women’s participation in South Sudan politics remains limited due to gender discrimination, and high levels of female illiteracy.
Good practices from other political contexts do suggest that women’s inclusion in political processes and participation in institutions and structures is essential for durable development. In theory, South Sudan’s 2015 peace agreements provide for the participation of women in conflict resolution and post-conflict governance reforms. However, there are gaps and limitations in the roles of women, which need to be examined from a gender perspective to unveil incompleteness and fragility in arrangements for conflict resolution. The field of gender and politics has emerged in recent times to become institutionalized through policymaking, legal practice, and the development of practitioner models, and has been enhanced through academic research. Hence, Study seeks to interrogate the role of women in politics/decision-making in South Sudan and the extent of their participation in peace-building, conflict resolution, and reconciliation in the country.
The known international frameworks such as Recommendation 30 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the United Nations UN Resolution 1325 adopted in 2000 and its subsequent resolutions on women, peace, and security call for women’s participation and inclusion in decision-making processes, including political processes. This implies that women should be included, and their voices considered. Yet, these provisions and frameworks remain insufficiently implemented in peace agreements, when the negotiations are not inclusive.
The phenomenon of levels of analysis is worth outlining to demonstrate that issues of conflict and peace processes do not hang only in the political structure. The question of Entry Points and opportunities for entry of women into political participation in decision-making should be investigated under different tracks of political processes (Graziani-Califano, 2020). Thus, this study will examine the role of women in politics, and the emergence of women’s rights against traditional mechanisms, and conclude the future of women’s participation in South Sudan’s decision-making at different levels of society. It is important to understand the levels of analysis researchers refer to as tracks.
4. Understanding the Terms of Reference (ToR)
The study, in this section, will critically analyze the provisions of women and politics through a gender-sensitive lens and seek to provide a critical reflection on women’s participation in politics in South Sudan at the end of this research process. It will offer clear entry points and practical recommendations to reduce barriers, by examining the history of women’s participation in politics in the country.
The research will look beyond current practices in politics to include traditionally recognized roles for women in decision-making resolutions in the country in seeking to provide practical suggestions for advancing women’s participation in decision-making related to the country political participation (Graziani-Califano, 2020). This will be aimed at incorporating social-cultural challenges that exist within South Sudanese society in achieving meaningful and applicable suggestions on how women can be engaged in a meaningful way in the different stages of politics in this country, taking into context the dominance of patriarchal systems in the society.
5. Research Theories
5.1. Agenda Setting Theory
Agenda-setting theory, according to Tayeebwa (2012), is based on the principle that the mass media have the capacity to either positively or negatively influence public perceptions on any given issue. This definition is based on the idea by proponents of the theory such as Cohen (1970) who believe that news media has an immense influence on audiences because it chooses stories to consider newsworthy and decides the amount of importance to accord them. McQuail (2005) posits that the core idea is that the news media indicate to the public what the main issues of the day are and this is reflected in what the public perceives as the main issues.
According to McCombs and Shaw (1972), the agenda-setting theory’s central postulate is salience transfer, which is defined by the ability of the news media to transfer issues of concern from the news media agendas to public agendas. Through the day-by-day selection and display of the news and information, editors, and news directors, focus our attention, perceptions, and intuition and influence our perceptions of what are the most critical issues of the day. This ability to manipulate the salience of topics on the public agenda has come to be called the agenda-setting role of the news media (McCombs & Shaw, 1972).
5.2. Framing Theory
McCombs et al. (2013) refer to framing theory as the second-level agenda-setting theory. This is because framing theory is related to agenda-setting theory in concept, but the latter expands in focus to emphasize the essence of matters at hand, rather than a broad subject matter. The theory according to Vreese (2005) “involves a communication source presenting and defining an issue” (p. 51). Framing theory is rooted in the idea that media accords salience to specific aspects of perceived reality regarding an issue, event, or story and gives meaning to them (Entman, 1993).
Tayeebwa (2012) defines framing theory as organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time. It is almost unavoidable for journalists to do this, and in so doing to depart from pure objectivity and introduce some (unintended) bias. This theory, therefore, concludes that the media uses its influence over the audience to draw their attention to specific topics, in a way that makes them think in each direction.
6. Women Contributed to Decision-Making Life in Sudan and South Sudan
Women contributed immensely before the development of South Sudan both politically, economically, and socially. Their contribution in one way or another other undeniably gives birth to the country we call the Republic of South Sudan today. Among them are: the current South Sudan Vice President Hon. Rebecca Nyadeng de Mabor, Defence Minster, Hon. Angelina Jany Teny, Professor Pauline Riak, Riak is Deputy Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs, at the University of Juba. She worked. Worked at the University of Bahr El Ghazal, Wau, (South Sudan) in 2012/2013 as a Professor of Sociology and Director of Institutional Development, Research, and Alumni Affairs. More than seventy-five percent of the appointed female political leaders in the first government of South Sudan at the national and sub-national levels were active members and direct beneficiaries of SWAN. The Association also became a bridge for the peace process between North and South Sudan and among the warring groups of South Sudanese nationals.
She established an organization that nurtured the human and institutional development of many current women political leaders in South Sudan. Mentored and supported the educational, socio-economic, and political development of over 800 South Sudanese women and over 3000 children in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. Resourced psychological counseling, skill development, formal and informal education, and economic facilities (small loans) encouraged the culture of the South Sudanese community to thrive.
Mrs. Mary Biba was the long-serving SPLA female veteran in the state since the beginning of her liberation from Sudan. On 30th April 2012 Governor Bangasi Joseph Bakosoro handing over documents and keys of the car to Mary Biba, During the handover ceremony of a Toyota Cruiser car model as a retirement benefit to the former advisor, on Wednesday, April 25, 2012, at the State Secretariat, the state governor Hon. Bangasi Joseph Bakosoro said it is honorary for the state to give her the car as a veteran. The governor added that the state government decided to allow her to go with the car since it didn’t have enough to offer in appreciation. “You were a veteran in this movement up to the time they signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and up to date you have been patriotic”, said Bakosoro. “It will not be honorable to see you walk away empty-handed after long serve and patriotism to your nation”, he said.
Biba admitted having served for a long and let the young men and women of the state step in and take over her position. For her part, the former Advisor Mary Biba valued the support of the state government saying she will still be close to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) government. “I thank the government and all of you for what you have done to me, happy because I will be moving swiftly like any other respected person and all my people would thank you and even the president of the Republic of South Sudan”, she said. Mary Biba served as the first female commissioner of Yambio during the movement from 1999 to 2005; afterward, she was nominated by the Vice President as a Hon member in the State Parliament under the leadership of the late Governor Samuel Abu John Kabash.
Prof. Julia is a scholar and currently Vice-Chancellor of Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology, the only female VC of the five national Universities, and a member of the African Women’s Vice-Chancellor Forum and Regional African Universities Forum. She is an example of women’s participation in social welfare, one of the seven pillars of the research on “Entry Points and Opportunity”. It is not possible to deny or ignore her engagement in women empowerment in South Sudan.
She has amassed a lifetime of achievement, from teaching, researching, and activism for justice and social change in Sudan and now South Sudan. Prof Julia is currently, the CEO and founder of the Gender Equity and Women Leadership Program in South Sudan. She has devoted her time to creating activities that contribute to realizing United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in South Sudan. Formerly Chief of the Party of South Sudan Higher Education Initiative and Leadership Development, Research Associate at Vincent and Lin Ostrom Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University. She was also a Fulbright Scholar at Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda.
7. The Regional Perspectives from Kenyan and South African Women in Decision Making
Media framing of women participating in decision-making on issues to do with social, economic, and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination is an important area that needs to be considered as well. According to Nyakwaka and Mokua (2020), the constitution of Kenya of 2010 gave a chance of women to participate in political decision-making although they had been previously marginalized during the colonial period which was between 1920 and 1963.
Notably, Kenya had been colonized by the British government. Further, Nyakwaka and Mokua (2020) confirm that the population of women in Kenya stood at 24 million against the male counterpart at 23.6 million according to the Kenya Bureau of Standards of 2019. The paper confirmed that the political influence of women in Kenya contributed to the growth of social development. Two examples of indigenous communities in Kenya are: Luo, Meru and Kikuyu. In the Kikuyu community, even without formal political powers, Chief Wangu wa Makeri was part of the Women’s Council that shaped the behavioral patterns of their communities.
Culturally, among the Kenyan and South African indigenous communities, men had the upper hand in political decision-making. In the Luo community, the women were involved on various levels, they had spiritual leaders, prophetesses, and medicine women. Women’s political and economic powers were exercised in their contribution in social and economic contributions when they participated in trading and farming. Julia Ojiambo was the first woman appointed to the position of first Assistant Minister for Culture and Social Services.
This was the most prestigious political position in the government held by a woman since Kenya’s independence. Another example is Grace Onyango, who was the Mayor of Kisumu in 1960 and subsequently 1969 held the position of Member of Parliament for Kisumu and the first female deputy speaker in the Kenyan Parliament. Kenyan Parliament records during the period (1963 to 2012) indicated thousand eight hundred and six men elected against fifty women elected to the Kenyan parliament.
Media has framed women through stereotyping by placing them in family care roles, leaving them with very little time to contribute to political decision-making. A South African study by Musavengane and Leonard (2019) recommended skills for women to empower them to be eligible in climbing up the employment levels and take up higher responsibilities in leadership.
8. Methodology and Data Collection
Qualitative Research includes designs, techniques, and measures that do not produce distinct numerical data. In qualitative research, data are in the form of words rather than numbers. The study employed the interview method in which the researcher uses an interview guide, a review of studies, and strategic documents. The quantification of the responses as well as the objective of establishing influence made it necessary for a researcher to consider using the quantitative research design. In this study, a deductive research approach was followed. This was selected because it enabled the researcher to use existing theories relating to Media framing women participation decision in South Sudan and in the region like and South African to derive useful hypotheses and test them to provide useful interpretations for the Media in South Sudan.
Data collection method and instruments
The data collection method that was used in this study was the survey method with a specific focus on the questionnaire approach. This was selected because of its ability to enable a researcher to gather relevant information from a large group of respondents. The method was also valid considering the ontological and epistemological inclinations that this research study adopted. The tool that was used in the actual process of data collection was a closed-ended questionnaire form. The tool was tested for validity and reliability before commissioning it as an appropriate tool for collecting data in this research.
Table 1 shows the gender distribution of male and female respondents, the study indicated that female respondents are 53% percent while the male respondents were less with a 47% percent response rate.
Table 2 shows 154 respondents indicated that 16 informants indicated media often Media using terms such as “the iron lady” Parliamentary while 67 and 71 not often and rarely Media using terms such as “the iron lady”, Parliamentary and executive proceeding being covered, 41 informants indicated that women being covered in parliamentary and executive proceeding while major 57 and 56 indicated women in both proceedings are not often and rarely covered.
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Table 1. Shows the gender of the respondent.
Source: Study (2022).
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Table 2. Shows the cross-tabulation distribution for the respondents.
Source: Study (2022).
Does women Executive/MP placed in the newspaper, 39 indicated that woman Executive/MP placed in the newspaper while the majority of 51 and 64 respectively indicated that woman Executive/MP placed in the newspaper are not often and rarely. Furthermore, in the Media House Editorial Gender Policy, 30 informants indicated that Media House Editorial Gender Policy while 60 and 64 others indicated that Media has not often and rarely have House Editorial Gender Policy.
Is media have a space for the article to the woman executive/MP, 14 indicated that media often have a space for the article the woman executive/MP while 65 and 75 opposed that not often and media rarely have a space for the article to the woman executive/MP. women MPs/Executive relate media generally the majority of 140 informants indicated that women MPs/Executive are not often and rarely relate media generally while 14 indicated that MPs/Executive are often related media generally.
However, in South Sudan media house policies address gender balance news, 6 informants indicated that media houses have a policy addressing gender balance news while 36 and 112 indicated that media house is not often and rarely have a policy addressing gender balance news in South Sudan. Below is the illustration that details each table or graph.
Figure 1 illustrates the extent to which The media has occasionally referred to some women parliamentarians as “the iron lady”, 10% (16) of the respondents indicated often times, the media has occasionally referred to some Women parliamentarians using terms such as the iron and the media has occasionally referred to some of the women parliamentarians as “the iron lady” while 44% (67) and 46% (71) indicated that media not often and rarely referred to some of the women parliamentarians as “the iron lady” in South Sudan.
Figure 2 extents at which women’s participation in parliament/exec proceedings being covered above illustrates a 27% (41) of the respondents indicated that women often women’s participation in parliament/exec proceedings being covered while 37% (57) indicated that women not often women’s participation in parliament/exec proceedings are not often being covered and 36% (56) responded that women participation in parliament/executive proceedings is rarely being covered.
Figure 3 extents at which Woman Executives/MP placed in the headline and front page of newspaper article story above illustrates a 25% (39) of the respondents indicated that women Executives/MP often placed in the headline and front page of newspaper article story while 33% (51) indicated that women Executives/MP not often placed in the headline and front page of newspaper article story and 42% (64) responded that women Executives/MP are rarely placed in the headline and front page of newspaper article story in South Sudan.
Figure 4 extents at which Media House Editorial Gender Policy, the above illustrates the 19% (30) of the respondents indicated that media house often has editorial Gender Policy and while 38% (60) indicated that media house does not often have editorial Gender Policy participated and 42% (64) responded that media house rarely has editorial Gender Policy in South Sudan.
Figure 5 extents at which media have a space the article to the woman MP/ Ministers, above illustration indicated that 9% (14) of the respondents responded that media often have a space of the article to the woman MP/Ministers while 42% (65) indicated that media not often have a space of the article to the woman MP/Ministers 49% (75) responded that media rarely have a space of the article to the woman MP/Ministers participate in South Sudan.
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Figure 1. The media has occasionally referred to some of the women in executive/parliamentarians as “the iron lady”. Source: Study (2022).
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Figure 2. Extent at which women’s participation in parliament/ executive proceedings is being covered. Source: Study (2022).
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Figure 3. Woman Executives/MP placed in the headline and front page of newspaper article story. Source: Study (2022).
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Figure 4. Extents at which Media House Editorial Gender Policy. Source: Study (2022).
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Figure 5. Extents to which media have a space of the article to the woman MP/ Ministers. Source: Study (2022).
Figure 6 extents at which women Executive/MPs relate with the media generally above illustrates the extent to which women Executive/MPs relate with the media generally, a 9% (14) of the respondents indicated that women Executive/MPs often relate with the media generally while 55% (85) indicated that women Executive/MPs not often relate with the media generally and 36% (55) responded that women Executive/MPs are rarely related with the media generally in South Sudan.
Figure 7 shows the extent at which media house has policies addressing gender balance news above illustrates that 4% (6) of the respondents indicated that often media house has policies addressing gender balance news while 23% (36) indicated that media house does not often have policies addressing gender balance news and 73% (112) responded that media rarely have policies addressing gender balance news in South Sudan.
9. Discussion
Based on the above illustration, women in South Sudan can serve in any corner of social, economic, and religious positions if given chance in South Sudan. Norris and Lovenduski (2003) concluded that the entry of more women into Westminster will not generate a radical revolution in the predominant culture at Westminster, as the more optimistic scenarios suggest. But nor are there grounds to believe that the entry of more women into Westminster merely led to politics as usual. The evidence consistently suggests that women politicians in all the major British parties (not just Labour) do bring a different set of values to issues affecting
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Figure 6. Extents at which the women Executive/MPs relate with the media generally. Source: Study (2022).
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Figure 7. Extents at which media house has policies addressing gender balance news. Source: Study (2022).
women’s equality, in the workplace, home, and political sphere. Women and media in democratic politics, keep the government on check to run a system in which all people have an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. Ideally, this includes equal participation in the proposal, development, and passage of legislation into law. It can also encompass social, economic, and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination.
The authors argued that it may take some time, if these attitudes gradually come to shape party manifestos, political debates, and ultimately legislative action (Dominelli, 2019), for example by influencing policies towards equal pay, reproductive rights, and the adoption of affirmative action strategies in the recruitment of women within parties, then the entry of more women into Westminster can make more than simply a symbolic difference to the face of British representative democracy.
10. Conclusion
In conclusion, even though the involvement of women in decision-making has other effects on political parties’ male participation, it increases women’s representation from 25% to some extent base on how well women present themselves to the people. Since both women and men in the decision have different effects on the policies adopted, the social and political position of these women also needs to be considered. Women during South Sudan’s struggle for independence from 1983 to 2005 do better than men in terms of education as well as in other decision-making platforms.
Comparatively, in Kenya, this research agrees with Nyakwaka and Mokua (2020) that the constitution of Kenya of 2010 gave a chance of women to participate in political decision-making, although they had been previously marginalized during the colonial period which was between 1920 and 1963. The research hypothesizes that Media framing women participation in decision making may increase or decrease its occurring rate because of communication. The outcome confirmed that 4% (6) of the respondents indicated that often media house has policies addressing gender balance news while 23% (36) indicated that media house does not often have policies addressing gender balance news and 73% (112) responded that media rarely have policies addressing gender balance news in South Sudan.
The hypothesis further contributes to the ongoing debates and knowledge on media framing women’s political participation and good governance (Graziani-Califano, 2020). The study helps to untangle the truth and recommend tools and approaches to be employed to counter the media framing of women’s participation in decisions making it be executive or Parliament in South Sudan, and above all contribute to discussions on institutional arrangements, policy formulation, and education on the risk of media framing women’s participation to practices good governance.
The findings indicated that the media covering women’s participation in parliament/executive proceedings is low compared to their men counterparts’ coverage while depending on proposals on developmental agenda, the passage of legislation into law, and other decisions that affect the common person. Women are peacemakers at home and in the political sphere, approximately some are involved in such politics because of their family background, for instance, the likes of Defend Minister Hon Angelina Teny, Parliament Clerk Hon Rebecca Joshua, Prof Pauline Riek, and Prof. Julia Aker long before South Sudan independent from Sudan.
Given the difficulties faced by women in media portray women trying to enter decision-making life differently, the assumption that women can do better than men in decision making including in politics is perfectly plausible. Clots-Figueras’s (2011) findings show that women legislators have different effects on expenditure, public goods, and policy decisions than their male counterparts. With this, one can conclude women are more ambitious, peacemakers, policy protectors, and business-minded in any community other than beauty and portray them as affairs home managers.
Chandra-Mouli et al. (2019) also affirm that, although not all women are natural politicians, the social roles of women in nurturing interpersonal relationships often make them effective decision-makers, politically well-informed, typically in informal rather than formal ways. This is particularly a case in a country like South Sudan where women traditionally have held central roles as farmers, traders, entrepreneurs, leaders in religious and civil organizations, and matriarchs in complex and large households. Each female is socialized into a women’s subculture, thus, eliminating gender-based differences is difficult and painful.
The research suggested Women must invent new identities and develop new patterns of behaviors to discard the role and support of the system that sustained/ encouraged gender inequality. There are several dimensions by which the country’s decision-makers can benefit from the involvement of women at any stage.
Recommendation
Policymakers and implementers in the media sector should factor Media framing women in decisions making into guidance programs to help women make clearer and better contributions to the country’s decision-makings.
Abbreviations
CEDAW: Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
CPA: Comprehensive Peace Agreement
MEPs: Members of the European Parliaments
SPLA: Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army
SPLM: Sudan People’s Liberation Movement
ToR: Terms of Reference
UN: United Nations
UNSCR: United Nations Security Council Resolution