The Effect of Culture on Women’s Participation in Political Leadership in Mogadishu, Federal Republic of Somalia ()
1. Introduction
The subject of women’s participation in politics is not an insular one, not least because women were for a long time been relegated to the margins of politics around the world, including the lack of franchise to elect―not to mention the lack of the right to vie for a political office.
Despite the fact this has been changing to the extent that there has been an increase in the number of women at the highest levels of political power (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2021) [1] , women worldwide are underrepresented at all levels of decision-making (UN Women, 2021) [2] . Africa leads the pack of the Continents with low gender parity, according to a study undertaken by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) in 2020 (Bhalla, 2021) [3] .
While IDEA (2020) attributes this to the burden of household chores and inequitable access to higher education, which in essence or reality limit women’s ability to benefit from the opportunities of citizenship as men on an equal footing in the political sphere, Huang (2018) [4] attributed it to gender inequality.
All the above are rooted in the patriarchal system that has circumscribed roles for women that have made them outliers in politics for a long time. In Somalia, as Gulled (2018) [5] has argued, women bear an unequal brunt of the hardships occasioned by poverty, conflict and community-based culture that promotes strict male hierarchy and authority, and this has been so since before (Magdalena, 2012) [6] .
Nonetheless, in Somalia, women have in recent times joined the political arena because they have seized upon the opportunity to access to education though the majority of them are still restricted in traditional “female status” (Bhalla, 2021) [3] .
Yet, despite their growing participation in public leadership, women are yet to fully transcend patriarchal challenges (Bhalla, 2021) [3] . Although the Federal constitution of Somalia appears to give hope for Somali women since it reserves 30% seats in Parliament for the women, there are still very few women in the top echelons of public decision and policy making positions (Bhalla, 2021) [3] .
Attempts to incorporate and secure a space for women in politics have been very slow (Affi, 2020) [7] . Yet, although the federal constitution was largely written in a gender-neutral language, it included an article stating that women must be included in all national institutions, in an effective way, in particular all elected and appointed positions across the three branches of government and in national independent commissions” (Federal Constitution) (Affi, 2020) [7] . Yet, Women’s representation in the current parliament is only 20% and has a minimal presence in the Cabinet (EISA, 2022) [8] . Several studies have been undertaken on women participation in politics in Somalia, yet there was still a research gap to be filled. In this paper, I underscore two:
Ahmed (2016) investigated culture and women’s rights to political participation. The study investigated the impact of cultural norms on women’s right to political participation, but in Bosaso. This paper investigated the effect of culture on women’s participation in political leadership and focused on Mogadishu. Hence, the study by Ahmed left a gap to be filled.
Bhalla (2021) [3] studied the factors influencing women participation in political leadership in Mogadishu, Somalia in which the researcher among other things studied the relationship between cultural attitude and women participation.
The study found out that cultural attitude was positively correlated with women’s participation in politics, and that since the cultural attitude was negative, it hindered to the level of women’s participation in political leadership in Mogadishu, Somalia. The study further revealed that there were cultural barriers to women participation; that the education level is low among women in Mogadishu hence limiting the chances of many women to participate in political leadership.
Nonetheless, the study limited itself to establishing a relationship between cultural attitudes and the level of women’s participation in political leadership in Mogadishu. It did not delve into finding out the effect of such cultural attitudes on women’s participation in political leadership in Mogadishu, hence, it left a research gap that this paper sought to plug.
2. Clan System & Women’s Rights & Political Participation in Somalia
Somali society is a patriarchal clan-based society, where lineage is traced through the father and women are considered passing members who belong to neither their father’s clan nor that of their husband (Affi, 2020) [7] . These multiple clan connections are an asset in building networks and community connections but have simultaneously made it difficult for them to participate in the clan-based politics of Somalia (Dini, 2010, pp. 199-120).
Throughout history, clan elders have played various roles in Somali politics and governance. Although influential, their role was never formalized until a reconciliation conference in 1999 changed the political game (Affi, 2020) [7] . The Arta reconciliation conference hosted by Djibouti was the first to prominently involve civil society groups, including women’s groups. At the same conference, and for the first time, the clan elders were brought into the political process with the introduction of the 4.5 power-sharing clan agreement (Affi, 2020) [7] . The 4.5 system was described as “primitive” and “not a viable option” (Houjale, 2020) [9] . This agreement stipulated that the four major clans ? Darood, Digil and Mirifle, Dir, and Hawiye obtaining equal number of seats, while smaller clans would get half of that (Affi, 2020) [7] . Since political power would be shared along clan lines, women’s groups sought to formalize their involvement in politics by pushing for a 6th clan, which did not succeed. They also pushed for and obtained a gender quota of 12% (Jama, 2010) cited in (Affi, 2020) [7] .
2.1. Early Girl child Marriage & Women’s Rights in Political Participation
Early marriage, or child marriage, is defined as the marriage or union between two people in which one or both parties are younger than 18 years of age (UNICEF, 2015). Early marriage affects women’s political participation. This is because early marriage destroys women’s rights to education and wealth creation. Without education, women are doomed to be illiterate, poor and unemployed. Only educated women can participate or be accepted to participate in politics under a given political party. Society only looks at representatives that are educated, intelligent and literate so as to represent them in the political ladder. However, giving young girls into early marriage does not give the girl child an opportunity to participate in education which would latter help them to have the qualification to participate in politics (Abdi, 2012) [10] .
Early marriage makes girls get married before they get enough education. When girls get married before education, they limit their chances of being financially empowered and therefore, limited to political participation. In Somalia for one to contest as a member of parliament for example, should be with a minimum level of education that some lady doesn’t always have due to early married and commitment to the domestic affairs. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes the right to “free and full” consent to a marriage, acknowledging that consent cannot be “free and full” when one of the individuals involved is not sufficiently mature to make an informal decision about a life partner. Nonetheless, in many low- and middle-income countries, particularly in poorer rural areas, girls are often committed to an attached marriage without their knowledge or consent. Such an arrangement can occur as early as infancy. Parents see marriage as a cultural rite that protects their daughter from sexual assault and offers the care of a male guardian. Parents often feel that a young girl is an economic burden and therefore wish to marry off their young daughters before they become an economic liability (Roini & Anju, 2015) [11] .
The practice of giving away girls for marriage at the age of 11, 12 or 13, after which they must start producing children, is prevalent among certain ethnic groups in Asia at Africa. The principal reasons for this practice are the girls’ virginity at the bride-price. Young girls are less likely to have had sexual contact and thus are believed to be virgins upon marriage; this condition raises the family status as well as the dowry to be paid by the husband. In some cases, virginity is ve1ified by female relatives before the marriage (Desposato & Barbara, 2009) [12] .
Girls from communities where early marriages occur are also victims of son preferential treatment and will probably be malnourished, and consequently have stunted physical growth (Ali & Mohamud, 2015) [13] . Neglect and discrimination against daughters, pa1ticularly in societies with strong son preference, also contributes to early marriage of girls. It has been generally recognized at United Nations seminars on traditional practices affecting women and children, and on the basis of research, that early marriage devalues women in some societies and that the practice continues as a result of son preference. In some countries, girls as young as a few months old are promised to male suitors for marriage. Girls are fattened up, groomed, adorned with jewels and kept in seclusion to make them attractive so that they can be married off to the highest bidder. The study was examining how this dominant cultural practice - early girl child marriages - hinders women participation in politics in Somalia.
2.2. Boy Child Preference & Political Representation
In Somalia male sex is more socially valued than the female sex. When planning for education if one has many children, will first the boys to school and later on or even not take the girls due to limited resources. So, you find boys more educated than girls. So, when looking for a candidate either Member of Parliament, they look for someone who is educated who will be a man automatically. At the end of it, you find boy preference affecting women right to political participation. Rights issues (CEDAW convention)―taking particularly account of the different legal systems applied, transitional justice systems, rule of law initiatives and the barriers/opportunities they represent to women. One of the principal forms of discrimination and one which has far-reaching implications for women is the preference accorded to the boy child over the girl child (Chalmers, 2013). This practice denies the girl child good health, education, recreation, economic opportunity and the right to choose her partner, violating her rights under articles 2, 6, 12, 19, 24, 27 and 28 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Son preference refers to a whole rai1ge of values and attitudes which are manifested in many different practices, the common feature of which is a preference for the male child, often with concomitant daughter neglect. It may mean that a female child is disadvantaged from birth; it may determine the quality and quantity of parental care and the extent of investment in her development; and it may lead to acute discrimination, particularly in settings where resources are scarce. Although neglect is the rule, in extreme cases son preference may lead to selective abortion or female infanticide (Khegai, 2004) [14] .
In many societies, the family lineage is carried on by male children. The preservation of the family name is guaranteed through the son(s). Except in a few countries (e.g., Ethiopia), a girl takes her husband’s family name, dropping that of her own parents. The fear of losing a name prompts families to wish to have a son. Some men marry a second or a third wife to be sure of having a male child. Among many communities in Asia and Africa, sons perform burial rites for parents. Parents with no male child do not expect to have an appropriate burial to “secure their peace in the next world”. In almost all religions, ceremonies are perfom1ed by men. Priests, pastors, sheikhs and other religious leaders are men of great status to whom society attaches great importance, and this important role for men obliges parents to wish for a male child (Rohini & Anju, 2015) [11] .
Religious leaders have a major involvement in the perpetuation of son preference for example in Ethiopia. Son preference is universal and not unique to developing countries or rural areas. It is a practice enshrined in the value systems of most societies. It thus dictates the value judgments, expectations and behaviour of family members. Son preference is a trans-cultural phenomenon, more marked in Asian societies and historically rooted in the patriarchal system. In certain countries in the Asian region, the phenomenon is less prevalent than in others. Son preference is stronger in countries where patriarchy and patriliny are more firmly rooted. Tribal societies, which are matrilineal societies, tended to be more gender egalitarian until the advent of settled agriculture (Rohini & Anju, 2015) [11] .
3. Methods and Materials
The study was guided by John Locke’s theory of human right (1688). At the centre of Locke’s argument is the claim that individuals possess natural rights, independent of the political recognition granted them by the state, these natural rights are possessed independently of, and prior to, the formation of any political community.
This is the basic and fundamental of human rights recognized by international law and the states should apply to it because there are subjects to international law; according to John (1995) [15] “all laws are from natural law, and natural law is based by divine law” this means all human beings have a natural right (inheritance rights), and the state should implement all these rights equally without any discrimination. This is also depending to democracy system derived from two Greek words “demos” (the people) and “kratos” (to have strength or to rule), democracy refers to a governing system characterized by a civil-political relationship wherein elected representatives are responsible to the numeric majority (John, 1995) [15] .
Commonly known as rule by the people, (Hirschmann, 1987) [16] or government by discussion (Sen, 2005), democracy denotes citizens’ ability to negotiate with governing bodies through voting, candidacy, campaigning, occupying political office and/or lobbying individually or collectively.
Locke argued that all human beings are being equal, should the political rights of anyone, for example, voting, jury participation, running for office (Zucket, 2004). Therefore, Locke’s theory of human rights is relevant to this study in that women should be allowed to their right to participate in politics as their counterparts (men).
This paper employed both descriptive research and correlational research designs and used both qualitative and quantitative research approaches. It was descriptive in that it described the characteristics of respondents. A descriptive research design was appropriate for the paper because it was concerned with describing aspects of clan-based politics, early girl child marriage, boy child preference and their effects on women’s rights to political participation. It was also used to describe how culture affected participation of Somalis women in politics in Mogadishu Somalia.
A correlational research design was used to relationship between culture and women’s participation in political leadership.
The target population of this study was 140 respondents coming from women candidates at federal, state and local elections, clan leaders, leaders of women’s organizations, and human rights activists (National Independent Electoral Commission―NIEC, 2021, Federal Electoral Commission―FEC, 2021).
The sample size for this study was determined using the Krejcie & Morgan (1970) table of population distribution which according to them, from 140 target population, a sample of 103 respondents was selected.
The main research instrument that was used in this study was self-administered questionnaire and it contained open-ended questions. This was used to collect quantitative data. The close-ended questions provided possible answers for respondents to choose from and were relevant for the reason that they are easy and quick to answer. Analysis of closed-ended questions was also fairly easy and straight forward.
Structured interviews were also designed in such a way that more specific and truthfully answers relating to the study objectives. An interview guide was used to collect qualitative data.
4. Results and Discussion
Owing to the utilization of both qualitative and quantitative approaches, data was analysed using content and thematic analysis from which mean, standard deviations were derived in order to address the key research issues under investigation. The details and summary of findings (Table 1 and Table 2) are presented in paragraphs below:
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Table 1. Descriptive statistics on power sharing and peace building.
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Table 2. Effect of early girl child marriage & women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu.
On the effect of clan-based politics on women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu, the paper found out that traditional clan leaders had a big say in the politics of Mogadishu (77.9%). The findings suggest that traditional leaders in Somalia traditionally have a strong influence on the politics at all levels and more especially men are most favored than women. The paper also found out that women’s political success in Mogadishu was undermined by their clans (92.6%), which suggests that women’s right to participate in the politics of Mogadishu specifically and Somalia at large was undermined by their clans who don’t believe that women should hold big positions to lead men. It was further revealed that in, Mogadishu clan leaders decided the clan to take up leadership that left behind women (89.5%) This confirms the previous data by UN Women and IDEA international that gender parity in Africa (including in Somalia) is far from a reality.
The paper also found out that women’s participation in politics in Mogadishu was influenced by their husbands in accordance with clan rules and regulations (95.8%). This finding suggests that any woman who wished to participate in the politics of Mogadishu had to obtain permission from her husband as per rules and regulations of the clans. In most cases, husbands are not willing to allow their wives to get involved in politics and thus undermining their right of participating in political system.
On the effect of early girl child marriage on women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu, the following was found out:
The paper found out that early girl marriage was highly supported in Somali culture, although it undermines women’s participation in politics in the future (93.1%). This finding suggests that Somali culture supports the early marriage of girls which undermines their chances of participating in the politics as confirmed by the results on the point that that women’s participation in politics was undermined by early girl marriage (69.5%).
Early girl marriage could be linked to poverty, but it is also explained by a culture in Somalia whereby it is okay for girls to be married off at a tender age. Once girls are forced to marry at early age, their chances of participating in politics are minimal. Whatever the case, the findings have shown that early girl marriage is practiced to get dowry as source of income and this affects women’s hopes of participating in the future politics (93.7%). The paper found out that women’s right to political participation was affected by early girl marriage which is practiced to give parents social status (93.7%), but at the expense of their chances of political participation in the future (68.4%).
On the relationship between boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu, the paper found out the following:
The paper found out that the majority of parents preferred a boy to a girl (96.7%). The finding suggest that most parents consider male child as a fortune to their marriage and will support him compared to girl child, based on Likert scale was very high (aggregate mean = 4.48, standard deviation = 0.68).
The paper found out that most parents who preferred boys believed that it was important to have a son to take care of them in their old age. The study findings suggest that most parents like to have boy children because they feel that these will care for them in their elderly age since girls once married are responsible for the family she married in, based on Likert scale was high (aggregate mean = 4.25, standard deviation = 0.73).
It was also revealed that a boy was preferred because he carried on the lineage or family name (95.8%). This suggests that boys are more preferred compared to girls because boys can carry on the name of the family to the next linage, based on Likert scale was very high (aggregate mean = 4.48, standard deviation = 0.77).
The paper also revealed that parents in Mogadishu were more determined to educate their boys than girls, which limit their chances to participate in politics in Mogadishu, based on Likert scale was high (aggregate mean = 4.53, standard deviation = 0.77).
4.1. Pearson Correlation for Boy Child Preference and Political Representation in Mogadishu
A Pearson correlation test was carried out to determine the relationship between boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu, and this was tested at 95% confidence with two-tailed test of significance on the scale of 0.1 - 0.49 as weak, 0.5 - 0.69 as moderate, 0.7 - 0.89 strong and 0.9 - 0.99 either positive or negative.
Results in Table 3 show that there is a significant and positive relationship between boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu (r = 0.607, p < 0.01). The results indicate that if there is boy child preference, political representation of women in Mogadishu will be low.
4.2. Regression Analysis for Boy Child Preference and Political Representation in Mogadishu
To test the predictive power of the variables, a regression analysis was run. The researcher transformed variables for boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu by computing means of the study variables. These variables were used to run the regression analysis, and the results are as follows:
Results in Table 4 show the value of R Square was 0.607 which represents 60.7%. This shows that 60.7% change in political representation in Mogadishu is explained by boy child preference. The results imply that besides boy child preference, other factors influence the political representation in Mogadishu. More specifically, these other factors explain 39.7% change in political representation in Mogadishu.
**Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
a. Predictor: (Constant), Boy child preference; Source: Primary Data, 2022.
a. Predictor: (Constant), Boy child preference; b. Dependent Variable: Political representation; Source: Primary Data, 2022.
a. Dependent Variable: Political representation; Source: Primary Data, (2022).
4.3. Analysis of Variance [ANOVA]
Results in Table 5 show that there is a significant and positive relationship between boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu (253.257, P < 0.00). This implies that if there is boy child preference, political representation of women in Mogadishu will be low.
Results in Table 6 indicate that when boy child preference is kept constant, political representation in Mogadishu would be at 6.844. The finding indicates that an increase in boy child preference would improve peace building by 0.672. The regression model generated was: Y = 6.844 + 0.672X (where: Y = Political representation and X = Boy child preference).
In conclusion, the results indicate that boy child preference accounts for about 60.7% of the variation in political representation in Mogadishu. It is therefore important to make sure that boy child preference should be minimized and consider girl child too if political representation of women in Mogadishu can be improved. The coefficients indicate that a unit increase in boy child preference would decrease political representation by a factor of 6.844. This implies that boy child preference significantly affects political representation of women in Mogadishu.
5. Conclusions
Clan-based politics is noted to be a predictor of women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu. This is because Women are not allowed to participate in politics as established by clan leaders. This is because of the fact that traditional clan leaders have a big say in the politics, women’s political success is undermined by clan leaders, clan leaders decide the clan to take up leadership that leaves behind women, and husbands play big role in the political journey of their wives’ which power is given by their clan rules and regulations.
Early girl child marriage is noted to be predictor of women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu. This is attributed to the fact that there is still a persistent high level of poverty among the local communities hence early marriage is seen as a source of income from dowries from young girls. It is clearly shown that early girl marriage is highly supported in Somali culture which undermines women’s participation in politics in the future, women’s participation in politics is undermined by early girl marriage, is supported because of high poverty level, early girl marriage is practiced to get dowry as source of income and this affects women’s hopes of participating in the future politics, women’s right to political participation is affected by early girl marriage which is practiced to give parents social status, and once a girl is married early, her political intention is affected or ends.
Boy child preference is noted to be a significant predictor of women’s rights to political participation in Mogadishu. The results indicate that there is a significant and positive relationship between boy child preference and political representation in Mogadishu and that boy child preference accounts for about 60.7% of the variation in political representation in Mogadishu. The coefficients indicate that a unit increase in boy child preference would decrease political representation by a factor of 6.844. This implies that boy child preference significantly affects political representation of women in Mogadishu.
6. Recommendations
From the findings, the researcher recommends the following;
There should be a very good relationship between culture and women political participation that is also favoring a free space for the women to participate favorably. Addressing this brings to the fore the urgent need for national policies aimed at involving women, promoting gender equity diminishing socio-cultural practices that manifest gender discrimination should be implemented and promoted.
There should be laws and Constitutional recognition of the rights of girls and women that governing and measures to uphold the rights of women and girls, such as equality, non-discrimination and protection from violence, are critical and can shape the response of governments to eliminating early marriages, boy preference and clan-based politics. Examples applicable to these practices include: women’s protection from harmful practices; prohibition of customs or traditions that are “against the dignity, welfare or interest of women or which undermine their status”, and abolition of “traditional practices” injurious to people’s health and well-being. Such constitutional protections can provide guidance for drafting laws and policies and for implementing them.
They can also require the revision or abolition of laws and policies that are not compatible with these principles. Inclusion of leaders, both religious and culture, in interventions is important to secure a supportive environment for change. This is true at the level of the community as well as at national level. Such leaders who are at the forefront in advocating the abandonment of clan-based politics early marriage and boy preference play an important role in both providing arguments against this cultural practice and generating social support for change. On the issue of marriage should be a voluntary choice for both partners. Equality is simply not possible when choice is absent, choices that are in the best interest of the couple. Rising the age of marriage will help both men and women arrive at more satisfying and successful married relationships, as well as reduce the girls’ reproductive span and vulnerability to risky
It is clear that the promotion of education is a strategy with potential for women on political participation for example girls who attend school become educated women and, in turn, contribute in human and economic terms to society in a way that goes far beyond their capacity for child bearing and domestic work. School systems can and should be adapted to be more sensitive to girls’ needs and more responsive to family concern about the safety of their girls. There should not be very many strings attached conditions to limit women from freely and fully participating politically. Let political space be open to all the men and the women and create a gender balance in the house. Remember also women can be used to build Somalia if given chance to do so.
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the contributions of all respondents in different categories who provided information to facilitate the study. Special thanks go to our key contacts and research assistants who commuted from one area to another in search of information.